Showing posts with label journalism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label journalism. Show all posts

Monday, 18 July 2011

Die Wacht in Wapping

Der Abhörskandal um die News of the World ist nicht nur eine Blamage für eine Zeitung oder einen Konzern. Vielmehr zeigt er die Verstrickungen zwischen der Macht Murdochs, der Polizei und der Politik. Als solches handelt es sich um eine Krise für einen gewaltigen Komplex - eine Krise, die die Meinungshoheit der britischen Herrscher insgesamt bedrohen könnte.

Das ist das Ausmaß des Skandals. Kein Wunder, daß Murdochs Parteigenossen darum ständig versuchen, das Ganze kleinzureden. Mein Lieblingsfeind Jan Fleischhauer zum Beispiel sieht hier nur einen Konflikt zwischen Murdoch, dem Helden der konservativen Volksmeinung, und linken Eliten, die den armen Mann wegen seiner unliebsamen politischen Überzeugungen verfolgen.

Es ist typisch für Fleischhauer, erstens das Thema grob zu entstellen und zweitens allerortens die Verschwörung der "Linken" zu wittern - die zu definieren er übrigens nicht vermag. In dieses Schema muß alles passen, darum die Verzerrung. Es lohnt sich darum selten, sich an Herrn Fleischhauer abzuarbeiten.

Dennoch muß der Behauptung entschieden widersprochen werden, daß, "wer auf die bunten Blätter herabschaut [sic!], [...] in Wahrheit auch das Volk [verachtet], das diese Medien groß und mächtig macht". Erstens wird hier wieder der eigentliche Punkt verzerrt: es geht hier nicht um den Boulevard an sich, sondern um die Macht Murdochs in Großbritannien, der ein stetig wachsendes Regiment von Medien straff nach Parteilinie gegen Migranten, Schwule und Linke hetzen läßt. Damit wird echte politische Meinungsbildung natürlich erschwert.

Wer also ein sich aggressiv ausbreitendes Imperium als letzte Bastion der Volksmeinung verstanden sehen will - wer den Milliardär Murdoch und einen gelackten Schreiberling zum Helden des kleinen Mannes macht - , der verdreht klar die realen Machtverhältnisse. Das hat bei Fleischhauer Methode. Er stilisiert sich stets als publizistischen Guerillakämpfer, als letzten Konservativen, den die linke Hegemonie mundtot machen will. Ironisch ist dabei, daß diese Selbststilisierung zum Opfer eben das ist, was Fleischhauer angeblich an den Linken mißfällt.

Zuletzt obliegt es mir, Herrn Fleischhauers albernes Nichtargument über entrüstete Deutsche abzutun: 
Die meisten, die sich nun hierzulande über Murdoch und die Recherchepraktiken in dessen Reich erregen, haben zwar wohl noch nie eines seiner Produkte in der Hand gehalten, aber man kann sich ja auch fremdempören. Das ist sogar noch schöner, als wenn man selbst nah dran ist.
  Nun muß man Herrn Fleischhauer zugestehen, daß er tatsächlich auch schon in Übersee gearbeitet hat. Zur Zeit linst er aber auch nur über seinen deutschen Schreibtisch. Nun, ich lebe in England, bin darum nah dran und darf Herrn Fleischhauer versichern, daß ich Murdochs Produkte in Händen gehalten und mich auch darum mitempört habe. Als dürfe man sich als Ausländer nicht aufregen: was wird da aus aller Empörung über die Zustände beim Feind, von Iran bis Nordkorea? Die sollten Fleischhauer und seine Spießgesellen dann wohl auch zurückziehen und sich auf eigene Sauställe besinnen.

Fleischhauer glaubt, in Kafkascher Hatz von der Linken verfolgt zu werden. Seine Wahnvorstellungen seien ihm gegönnt. In Wirklichkeit aber ist es Murdoch, dem in Großbritannien ein mächtiges Sprachrohr gehört. Der Kanonendonner gegen die Feinde des Australiers kann hier Debatten schaffen und abwürgen - dazu müssen oft nicht einmal Lügen geschmiert werden, Verzerrung reicht. Wer offene demokratische Meinungsbildung will, kann den Niedergang des Wapping-Reiches kaum bedauern.

Sunday, 19 December 2010

Julian Glover and the Thatcherite Left

The Guardian commentariat is divided into two groups: left-wingers of all shapes and colours on the one hand, and ‘progressive’ pro-European liberals on the other. It’s no secret where my sympathies lie, and so I must turn to the second group: for there we have, among many well-meaning, idealistic people, others who, having drunk deep at the well of Thatcherism, evince some very unpleasant tendencies.

Take Julian Glover. Glover often writes news items, but he’s also a fairly regular commentator, and not one you’d suspect of being ‘loony left’. ‘Smearing Labour’s new leader, a decent man, as Red Ed will backfire on his critics’, Glover warned upon Ed Miliband’s election, which was of a ‘peculiar and undemocratic nature’. In there, you have all the instinctive suspicion some ‘progressives’ harbour towards socialism and the labour movement: if Ed is a decent man, he obviously can’t be red. Those trade union crazies, it seems, are beyond the pale of common human decency. ‘Progressives’ draw up a political spectrum which, in including the wealthy and educated and excluding the working class, reveals their elitist nature.

Glover went further in this delightful piece: ‘The left should recognise that equality is undesirable’. His argument runs like this: life isn't fair. ‘[F]air opportunity in a liberal society’ (‘equality of opportunity’, that old Blairite watchword) does ‘not produce equal outcomes’. People are different, you see. ‘Life is an erratic blend of luck, ability and effort. We should encourage effort and hope for ability, and try to minimise dependence on luck. But we are fooling ourselves if we think we can eradicate inequality.’

There is an unacknowledged right-wing framework to all this, and before I lay out what is hopefully a more persuasive account of ‘opportunity’ and ‘outcomes’, let's take that framework apart. I can think of no better place to start than Glover’s own sub-heading: ‘It sounds horribly rightwing [sic], but a fair society may be one in which people have the right to strive for inequality.’

‘It sounds horribly rightwing’: Glover, of course, wants you to take his argument as something a ‘liberal’ or ‘progressive’ person can accept. But he's also, in advance, trying to belittle his opponents by using that word ‘horribly’, which suggests they are stuborn creatures of tradition. Enlightened inequality against the proles' ‘yuck’ reaction!

A ‘fair society’: as Glover himself points out, ‘fair’ is a popular word with politicians because you can use it to describe almost anything, projecting warm fuzziness all the while – unlike ‘equal’. ‘People’: there's the mindset of the atomised individual who ‘strives’ (yet to come!) for various things, possibly competing with others, but not working in a larger, constraining framework. ‘The right to... ’: and now the game is surely up, for that’s the language of big business: ‘free market’, ‘economic freedom’, ‘the right of management to manage’. The right always tries to paint accumulation as the exercise of freedom. ‘Strive for inequality’: there’s that word ‘strive’, which paints the capitalist’s accumulation of profits as an heroic quest. But in the phrase ‘strive for inequality’, Glover’s failure – wilful or otherwise - to comprehend inequality reveals itself, and that failure concedes the entire argument to the Right. Think in their terms – as too many nominally on the Left do – and it’s not surprising you end up with their conclusions.

It turns out that life isn’t really the way Glover imagines. In his mind, human beings are race horses: some will turn out to be faster and more successful than others, thanks to that ‘erratic blend of luck, ability and effort’, and to the victor go the spoils. (A left-wing government to Glover’s liking would presumably attempt to level the playing field – make sure all horses stand the same chance at the outset.) That view – some are just luckier, better and more hard-working than you and me – flatters the rich immensely. They rather like thinking of themselves that way, either as hard-working success stories or, as your Richard Bransons and Alan Sugars go, as big bad predators who out-competed the plebs. But this narrative conveniently forgets the most fundamental fact of capitalism, namely class.

Class in capitalist society means that a few people own and control what is needed to produce society's wealth – machines and factories (industrial capital), but also communications, infrastructure, financial institutions etc. The majority of the population – the working class – operates these means of production to produce goods and services, from cars and microwaves to wireless broadband, in return for a wage from the owner of the means of production – that is, they sell their labour power. The capitalist then sells the finished products on the market for a profit. Everything is owned by the employer, but nothing would be produced without the labour of the many.

Who produces social wealth: the corporations? No, it is the working class. If no-one worked (if no labour power was expended), the means of production would be useless, nothing would be produced and sold, and the capitalist would be deprived of his profit. That is, it is the work of the majority of the population that makes the rich rich. Note that the reverse is not true: if the capitalist class was relieved of its power there can be no suggestion that all production would immediately cease, although we would need to imagine new ways of administering and coordinating economic life.

The bourgeoisie (let’s call a spade a spade, in the manner of the Deputy Prime Minister) may have become the capitalist class through ‘luck, ability and effort’, but once there they retain their position through the work of the many, enforced by the institutions of the state. There is no level playing field, nor can there be one so long as private property exists. The class system reproduces itself as people are born into ‘their’ class, grow up in their neighbourhoods, attend their schools and begin working in the jobs available to their class. The capitalist gets richer as he siphons off the value created by the workers, who take home a very small share of the social product (just how small is negotiated through trade union class struggle).

So I just thought I’d set the record straight. There is no capitalism without class, and class means that a few rule while many labour. The rich aren’t more successful, ruthless, lucky, able: they're just in a position to reap the benefits of others' work. It’s nonsense to demand the ‘right to strive for inequality’. People are not atomised individuals ‘competing’ with each other - they're engaged in a set of very definite social relations, a class system that holds the many down to enrich the few. Under capitalism, there can be no wealth without poverty. Time to break the structure up, eh?